Keppetipola Disawe, proclaimed national hero, posthumously: To rest in honour, at last!

The 1818 Uva-Wellassa uprising was the third Kandyan uprising against the British during the period of Governor Robert Brownrigg. After the Northern Lords signed an agreement with the British colonials in Ceylon, on March 2, 1815, there were those who opposed British rule and organized a freedom movement. They were captured after their failed uprising in 1818, and consequently executed and declared as traitors, for rebelling against the King of England, and their property confiscated. Thus, they remained till today.

Following a recommendation from the Minister of Justice, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, President Maithripala Sirisena issued a special decree on Thursday (8) to overturn the proclamations declared in the Ceylon Government Gazette No 851 of January 10, 1818, and decriminalize the 19 nationals, including Monarawila Keppetipola, who led the movement, and declare them national heroes. The Ministry of Justice spokesperson said, the decree will be followed by another gazette notification.

It was not a rebellion, it was the first ever struggle for the independence of Ceylon, Prof. Emeritus Malini Handagama, former senior Prof of History, Sri Jayawardenapura University said. “That is the first mistake we make. It was not a rebellion, they simply wanted independence.” Those who have studied the Uwa-Wellassa freedom struggle have been struggling to clear the names of these heroes for some time, Handagama said, and although it took a long time, finally, it has been done.

The names cleared are: Keppetipola Disawe, Godagedara Rate Adhikaram, Ketakala Mohottale, Katharagama Maha Bethme Rate rala, Katharagama Kuda Bethme Rate rala, Palangolle Mohottala, Wattekaale Mohottala, Polgahagedara Rehehenaraale, Poserewatte Vidane, Kiwulegedara Mohottala, Kalugamuwe Mohottala, Udumadura Mohottala, Kohukumbura Walauwe Raterala, Kohukumbura Walauwe Mohottala, Butewe Rate rala, Bhaginigahawela Rate rala, Mahabadulla Gammane Rate rala, Bulupitiye Mohottala and Palle Malheyaye Gamathirala.

Three years after the signing of the Kandyan Convention, British rule proved to be disappointing and the local lords began to complain of violation of conditions in the Convention. The 1818 rebellion begins with Governor Brownrigg refusing to place a Kandyan on the throne and grant administrative powers to the local lords, as previously agreed. This breach of agreement and other actions of the Governor are said to have been questioned in the British Parliament as well.

In 1817, a layman from Kataragama claimed the Kandyan throne and started a freedom march to Kandy, which other Rate Ralas supported. This was attacked by the British armies, and one such troop was led by Sylvester Douglas Wilson, the Assistant Resident in Badulla. Butewe Rate Rala, whose name is included in the list, was the one time hero who shot Wilson with an arrow, from the top of a rock, when the troops marched past a small town near Bibile, called Yalkumbura. The armies scattered on the death of their leader. However, it is reported that Governor Brownrigg sent special platoons to look for the person who killed Wilson.

History doesn’t elaborate on the contribution of the rest of the rebels in the list as much as it dotes on Keppetipola Disawe. The famous of the rebels is Monarawila Keppetipola, a lord in the Kandyan Kingdom, representing the Uva area, who was sent to stop the uprising by the British government after the attack on Wilson, but ended up joining the freedom struggle instead, as its leader. A famous version about him says, he marched towards the ‘rebels’ with the British army, and without any prior hint, gave an order to the army to retreat and joined the ‘rebels’. He is celebrated for his actions in Sri Lanka.

During the 1818 uprising, the ‘rebels’ captured Kandy and Matale before Keppetipola fell ill and according to history books, was captured on October 28, 1818 along with Pilimathalawe Disawa, another ‘rebel’ leader. It is said that they were captured by Captain O’Neil of the British army with the assistance of Native Lieutenant Cader-Boyet of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment. When his house was surrounded by the troops, it is said that Keppetipola boldly came out of the house and greeted Capt O’Neil, identified himself and gave himself in. History narrates that the valiant Keppetipola, with the rest of the ‘rebels’ captured, refused to seek pardon from the British, though the latter was willing to pardon had they asked for it. Instead, it is said, Keppetipola pointed the exact location on his neck, to the executioner, where he needed the head to be severed.

“The destruction caused to property, cultivated lands and people’s lives and lifestyles, with villages being wiped out driving people into forests, was so severe that the Uva Province is still recovering from the destruction”, Prof. Handagama said. People were robbed of their property and taxes imposed to suppress them further. “The Uva Province is still considered laid back. The local leaders too have failed to support the area after independence in 1948, to return the lands once robbed, to the families, rebuild irrigation systems to its former glory, and pay reparations for all they lost, harbouring the first struggle for independence in Ceylon,” she said. 

 

Source: www.sundayobserver.lk (11 December 2016)

Traditional dance in modern times

By KAMALIKA PIERIS

Udarata dance made the transition from ‘traditional ‘to ‘modern’ society during the last phase of British rule. The move was carried out by the dancers themselves. Their main concern was the survival and preservation of traditional dance. By the time the country regained its independence in February 1948, traditional dance was well entrenched. The independence celebrations of 4th February 1948 included a very effective Udarata dance by Nittawela Gunaya. He danced the Turanga vannama.

Traditional dance was treated as a valuable component of the indigenous heritage. A postage stamp with a picture of a Ves dancer, in a dance pose, was issued in April 1950 . In 2000 there was a new stamp, featuring Maligawa dancer Simon Malagammana, in ten colors for ten denominations. A ‘dancer series ‘of currency notes were issued in 2011. Rs 20 note had Ves dancer and geta bere, Rs.50 note had Vadiga patuna and yak bere, Rs. 500 had Thelme and yak bere, Rs. 1000 had Sabaragamuwa dance and davul bere, Rs. 5000 had Nagaraksha and Gurulu raksha.

Traditional dance was also given prominence in tourist promotion. The first Tourist Board dance poster with C. K. L. Samarasinghe’s drawing of a Ves dancer ,appeared in 1948, followed by a poster with a stylized drawing by Harry Rogers for Quantas-Ceylon in 1950. A poster of Dalada Maligawa, drummers and dancers appeared in 1956, the Buddha Jayanti year. Then came the well known poster of Vajira in Gajaga vannama (photographed I am told by Nihal Fernando of Studio Times) and a less well known one of a Ves dancer and female dancer, both in the 1960s.

‘About twenty years ago, Udarata dance was not known outside the Udarata except for a handful of connoisseurs ‘said George Keyt in 1953. ‘It is now receiving growing recognition in Ceylon and abroad. The status of dancers has improved, and side by side with the traditional art there has arisen a creative and interpretative aspect,’ he added. ‘Kandyan dance has surprisingly retained its fundamental character and it basic purity of technique and style’, agreed A.H.E Molamure in 1956.

That is because the transfer was led and supervised by the traditional dancers themselves, notably Jayana, Pani Bharatha and Chitrasena. These three dancers arrived at the right time. They were born in the early 1920s. Pani Bharatha in 1920, Chitrasena, Heen Baba and Jayana in 1921. When Ceylon reached the pre-independence period of the 1940s, these dancers were in their prime. They started dance schools, established their own dance troupes and also got dance into secondary school. They were helped by well off, well connected patrons who came from the westernized elite. This was crucial to their success. E.P.A. Fernando, a graphite merchant and one of the richest men in the country supported Chitrasena. He funded Chitrasena productions and rehearsals and gave him a house at a low rent. The Burgher elite helped Jayana and Suramba with money and encouragement.

Dance troupes flourished from the 1950s onwards. The leading dancers of the time, such as Sri Jayana, Pani Bharatha and Heen Baba had their own dance troupes. For many years Pani Bharatha’s dance troupe functioned as the state dance ensemble. The tall and majestic figure of Pani Bharatha was a familiar sight leading his troupe, whenever there was a ceremonial occasion or indeed any occasion demanding a dance performance, said D.C.Ranatunge. If any organization needed a dance and drum performance for a function they turned to Pani.

Dance troupes were invited to perform abroad. Pani Bharatha’s troupe went to West Germany in 1953. In Tokyo, on a subsequent tour, the whole troupe including Pani had got drunk. The audience had gradually left the hall, saying the drums were too loud. The drummers had said they did not know how to drum softly. Jayana’s troupe visited a staggering 30 countries and in 1989, had won the most popular dance group medal at the "Festival folklore de Pyrenees".

The most publicized tours were those of the Chitrasena troupe. Between 1957 and 1972 Chitrasena Company had danced in Australia, Brunei, Canada, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Netherlands, Poland, Switzerland, Singapore as well as Madras, Bombay and Delhi, Moscow, Tashkent, St Petersburg and Alma Ata. On their first tour, rice, dhal, dry fish and other food stuffs accompanied them from stop to stop. The dancers said they needed the food they were used to. But they also liked the vodka, plum brandy and Scotch whisky which was offered.

The State Dance Ensemble was created in 1976, for the fifth Non Aligned Conference held in Colombo. They danced ‘Asa disi mihira’ directed by W.B.Makuloluwa at this Conference. The dance ensemble of the National Youth Council was created soon after. Both troupes are excellent, said Tissa Kariyawasam in 2008. The armed forces and the police also established dance troupes in the 1970s. Many of the dancers recruited were from natum parampara. I thought their dancing very good, but I am not an expert on the subject.

Sri Lanka’s traditional dances continued to win recognition abroad, in the post independent period. Audiences abroad are usually spellbound by the dance forms and by the drums, said Upekha Chitrasena. The Chitrasena dance troupe had rave reviews, rapt and enthusiastic audiences and standing ovations around the world, particularly in India ‘where they recognize the difference in technique between our traditional dances,’ she said. ‘ My father, Chitrasena, was treated with great respect and looked up to in India’. Upekha added,’ I enjoy doing workshops and demonstrations, particularly for children and try to organize these whenever we perform abroad’.

Dance departments in foreign universities recognized our traditional dance. Piyasara Silpadipathy said in 2007, ‘I have done workshops and lectures in renowned institutions such as University of London, Royal College of Music, Royal Academy of Music, in London, University of Canterbury, New Zealand and University of Ottawa, Canada on drums and dancing. If they were not interested then I would not have been invited to visit their universities so many times. Foreign dance experts visited Sri Lanka to research traditional dance. Their findings were published.

Historical sources indicate that from the ancient period up to the Udarata period women danced. George Keyt who lived in Kandy and knew Udarata dance said, in 1953, that the kalagedi dance was initially done by women. There was a special naiyyadi dance also which was exclusively danced by women. ‘To see it danced by Ransina of Amunugama is an experience never to be forgotten,’ he said. Both dances are now performed by men, he added.

This indicates that at some point, during British rule, men had taken over the performing aspect of dance, but women were not completely excluded from dance activity. They taught dance. Pani Bharatha (b. 1920) recalled that in his youth, when the male dancers left to carry out their ritual duties elsewhere, the wives took over the classes. The film ‘Sakkarang’ (2016) set in the British period also showed this. In the 1950s women from the natum parampara, such as Ransina, obtained land form the government and started dance schools of their own in the Udarata.

Women outside the natum parampara were exposed to dance when Udarata dance was included in the school curriculum. They now study dance at the University of Visual arts. They dance in both lasya and masculine styles but the preference is definitely for the masculine style. At the National dance festival, Colombo in 2002, I found that the women danced predominantly in masculine style. Most dance teachers provide ‘graduation’ ceremonies for women dancers without the Ves. But in 2003, Miranda Hemalatha held Ves bandima ceremonies for women dancers. Traditional gurus and veteran Kandyan dancers are usually present at a Ves mangalyaya but none were present on the occasion. The dancers were not invited for any events thereafter either. Miranda Hemalatha, undaunted, said at the time that she was planning a Kohomba Kankariya with women dancers.

Ruhunu dance flourished without interruption in the south in the pre- independence and post independence periods. The guru gedera tradition was still in existence in the 1950s. Perera (pseud) from Uhanovita village, Pitigala, started to study dance under his father at eight years. His father was an astrologer, healer and pahata rata dancer. Perera then went on to study dance at a kalayatanaya and later established in his own dance troupe. ‘Those days it was the men who danced, now it is the females who are showing an interest in Ruhunu dance, he observed.

Tissa Kariyawasam said in 2009 that traditional rituals were ‘still carried out in Ambalangoda and Weligama.’ ‘I can remember that even up to the end of the 20th century, we used to hear a distant beat of a drum on the night air at least 4 days a week’ said a resident of Ambalangoda. . ‘The Modera devale perahera in Ambalangoda went on for nearly two hours, ending at Randombe. It had almost one hundred dancing groups, each different from the other, with separate sets of drummers.’

Ruhunu dance is now included in dance presentations abroad. For a performance in Australia, one presenter eliminated the Sinhala dialogue in the Daha ata sanniya and replaced it with mime. The dance consisted only of masked dancers. "We got much applause and 8 or 9 curtain calls. Pandam paliya and Gini sisila had to be done out of doors, due to fire restrictions. The audience was fascinated by the fire dance acrobatics and the fire eating especially since they had a great fear of it", he said (2007).

The Daha ata sanniya continues to be performed, for its ritual value and as a spectacle. In 2003 Rotary Club of Colombo District 3220 organized a performance of the Daha ata Sanniya at BMICH western garden. The performance was edited to suit urban audiences as well as tourists but the seven paliya and the 18 sanni dances were performed. Chitrasena Foundation had a performance in May 2016 in Colombo by dancers from Matara led by Kalasuri Parawahara Somathilake. In July 2016 there was a performance of the Daha ata sanniya at Walisinghe Harischandra Park, Anuradhapura, organized by the Provincial Ministry of Cultural affairs.

Source: www.island.lk (07 December 2016)

Caste and class in Udarata dance

By KAMALIKA PIERIS

The Udarata (Kandyan) dance was performed by a distinct caste of dancers and drummers, the ‘berava’ caste. This caste of traditional drummers and dancers ranked very low in the caste structure and traditional dancers were treated in a demeaning manner by society. They were not allowed to enter houses and sit. They were given to drink in cups made of leaves. Caste attitudes towards dancers were strongest in the Udarata.

Ransina of the Amunugama dance family had been asked to teach Kandyan dancing at Hillwood College, Kandy, which is where most high caste Udarata girls went to study. This was probably in the 1950s. When she greeted them with a namaskare, the pupils had responded sullenly, with frowns and hands held firmly by the sides. The Principal had scolded them later. Ransina however, said tactfully, she had come to teach dancing, not to receive greetings from the pupils. There was caste reluctance elsewhere too. Officials asked to accompany dance troupes abroad, tried not to be seen with the group. Some officials treated dancers with disdain, however, others were very kind to the dancers.

The westernized elite in Colombo who admired Udarata dance ignored caste conventions. In the 1920s George E. de Silva allowed dancers to sit on chairs and eat at the table with the family, when they came to teach his daughters. Lionel Wendt made studio photographs of Jayana, Suramba and Gunaya. George Keyt designed Suramba’s dance school building. D.B. Dhanapala had addressed the dancer as ‘Mahatha’ instead of Gurunanse, recalled Pani Bharatha.

In the 1930s Seebert Dias, father of Chitrasena treated the berava dancers with respect in his home. ‘My father gave a seat to the dancers when they came to perform’. Chitrasena’s first dance teacher, Urapola Banda visited him at his home, to teach him dance. He stayed in the house and was treated as a respected visitor and a revered teacher. He was probably one of the first berava allowed to enter the house of a Goigama, and Chitrasena was perhaps the first male Goigama pupil of a berava teacher. Seebert paid Chitrasena’s dance teachers much more than was customary, not only to help them financially but also to build up their social prestige.

But that was in Colombo. Caste had to be respected in the village. When Chitrasena started his apprenticeship under Kiriganitha in Algama, in the late 1930s, he did not stay at Kiri Ganitha's house but at the house of the village school master who belonged to Chitrasena’s caste. Chitrasena had to face criticism from his Goigama community for doing traditional dance at all.

Whenever Udarata dance is discussed, the low position of the traditional dancer is commented on. Tudor Silva, the sociologist, observed that no researcher has been able to explain why the dancer is ranked so low. Chitrasena (b.1921) recalls ‘I went to Delgoda Rate Mahattaya's house in Kegalle when I was young. There was a small hut built by the main house for the dancers to stay. They could not enter the main house. They were the custodians of a rich heritage but had to undergo this humiliation. ‘The nakati caste, in addition to being dancers are astrologers, drummers and conductors for puja in temples. The court astrologer was also a nakati caste man. Therefore how they can be an untouchable caste, Chitrasena asked.

In a strong caste system, a low caste accepts its low position without a murmur. In this case, however, the dancers deeply resented their low ranking and said so to anyone who would listen to them. They had complained bitterly to Ralph Pieris in the 1980s saying that they had not been allowed to use the toilets in the Kandy Club despite the fact that they had hired the lawn for a performance. The Kandy Club had been only too happy to rent the lawn to them and make some money. The dancers had reasons for their resentment. They were professionals, not paupers. Their status as yakdessa was respected in the village. They held nindagam lands, including paddy fields. They possessed valuable skills which society needed, such as medicine and astrology. They had links to specific temples. Some belonged to the Maligawa dance troupe.

The move from caste to class, literally, was initiated by the traditional dancers themselves. Dancers led by Jayana and Sederaman succeeded in getting traditional dance into the school curriculum. With this move, the caste barrier was immediately broken. The school children, regardless of caste started to dance and drum. There would, I think, have been a few mutterings about ‘low caste’, but on the whole the parents accepted the situation.

Dance prospered in schools. Dance teachers taught with dedication . The children were eager, pliable and promising. Several schools gave public concerts of dance. Girls High School, Kandy had ‘Swarna Hansa ballet ‘in 1954. The dance students of Dharmaraja College, Kandy enthusiastically presented a dance concert in Colombo in 2003. I am not an expert on the subject, but I thought the dance and drumming was good, especially for a school. It was certainly quite vigorous. The dance teacher was a pupil of Kulasiri Budawatte. He had his own dance school as well.

The Department of Cultural affairs set up Kalayatanas which taught dance to anybody who wished to learn it. Some of these schools also had ves bendeema ceremonies for select dancers. In 2003, four youths who learnt dancing at Galewela Divisional Cultural centre were conferred their ves tattuva at Bambawa Raja Maha Vihara, Galewela. Private dance schools also helped to break the caste barrier.

In 1952, traditional dance moved up the academic ladder into higher education. Traditional dance became a subject in the Government Technical College, at the initiative of J.D.A.Perera, the Goigama head of the College. Later this institute was absorbed into the university . Traditional dance now came within the aspirations of the ‘respectable’ middle class. The move away from the hereditary dancer was complete. Talented dancers from urban areas took to dancing professionally. They obtained university degrees in dance, taught in government schools, had their own private dance schools and led their own dance companies.

Traditional dance jumped from low caste to high caste in one single leap, with the arrival Chitrasena. Chitrasena and Vajira were from the Goigama caste and pupils of Goigama and other castes attended their classes. But their main impact was on social class not caste. Chitrasena and Vajira belonged to the urban middle class and they made traditional dance acceptable to the middle and upper middle class persons, whose children attended their dance school. In their school traditional dance was taken very seriously and pupils were made to show respect to the traditional dancers who were teaching there.

Chitrasena and Vajira were based in Colombo, the home of the westernized elite of Sri Lanka. This westernized elite were eager to sample national culture, provided it was dished out by their own class. They went happily to see Chitrasena-Vajira performances. There was however, no ‘elite appropriation of Kandyan dance’ as stated by a foreign anthropologist. After generations of sedentary living, the elite could not move their limbs, let alone dance. Instead they sent their children to the Chitrasena School of Dance. I doubt whether the children could dance any better, but the school grew. When the original set of pupils grew up, they sent their own children also to the school. So, thanks to Chitrasena and Vajira, the westernized elite were encouraged to take Udarata dance seriously and to even try and dance it. However, very few pupils in the school went on to the master class from which the Chitrasena troupe was recruited. As late as 2010, Vajira observed ‘people who come from villages are better dancers.’

 

Source: www.island.lk (03 December 2016)

In liaison with Gods

By Sachitra Mahendra

The whole area goes bright all of a sudden, amid the scented breeze. Everything is calm and serene though the performers of the drama are ready for action, donned in the white, yet devilish, costumes.

A bond is slowly brewing within culture, people and their religion.

And that bond provides anyone, be it a local or a foreigner, with ample material about a tradition that has withstood the test of time. The tradition is brimming with rich elements and insights of the oriental culture.

This drama is known in different names. In actual sense, it is no drama. It is a ritual performed in anticipation of prosperity and well being of the people. Gammadu shanthikarma, also known as devol madu shanthikarma, has been an ancient practice among Sri Lankans to pay reverence to the gods in return for peace and prosperity. The key players donned in devilish costumes and the devil masks dance until the evil spirits, if there is any, vacate the area and welcome the gods and deities to bless the land.

These rituals are not gone into oblivion as yet – at least not until the occupants of this land give up their faith on superstitions and myth. That is not to be expected either as long as the Sri Lankans continue to have their faith in their traditional healing rituals.

The recent performance held at the premises of Town Hall, Colombo, under the patronage of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and a host of parliamentarians, to bestow godly blessings on the Colombo Municipal Council staffers as well as the Sri Lankans in general was a ritual that evoked innermost spiritual feelings. The ritual began at 6 pm and ended at 12 noon with a sense of consummation.

The Gammadu Shanthikarma involves quite a lot of dance performances, which primarily includes low country style performed throughout the night. The terms heard in Gammadu Shanthikarma are similar to those in Sabaragamuwa dance according to Professor Mudiyanse Dissanayake. That said the Devol madu shanthikarma is known as a ritual of low country dance performances. It also bears resemblance to the popular Kohomba Kankariya which is originated in Kandy.

The ritual begins with lighting clay-lamps to revere the gods and deities. The dance performances require specific training for years. The masks utilized in the dance performances are made of wood, skillfully carved by the local artistes. The dance performed in grandeur represent 16 devils.

The primary objective of the Gammadu Shanthikarma is paying respect to Goddess Pattini. Later on it spread into a pantheon of gods and goddesses. Whether the performance is fruitful or not, the ritual is a collective effort to chase away the evil and welcome the wholesome inside.

The Gammadu Shanthikarma is a sacred act of performance that needs extensive preparation unlike a run of the mill activity. The performers are required to practise abstinence for a certain period to expect the maximum outcome. They should keep away from alcohol and meat, two elements considered evil or dirty (kili) and abhorred by the deities. Being a teetotaler and a pure vegetarian at least for a few weeks is also good for the participants if they seek divine blessings from the performance. The participants are also required to be clad in white as this is an act of sacredness.

The ritual however faces the risk of extinction as its performers require special training of skilled dances as well as the ability to recite the traditional Sinhalese verses to summon the deities. Only a few artistes are keen on sustaining the tradition, as the modern public interest is slowly deviating from the myth and superstition.

* Gammadu Shanthikarma routine
* Milla Kepeema
* Lighting clay-lamps
* Dalumura Thebeema (offering flowers)
* Bisokapa situveemaa
* Dinner
* Yahan dekma and kala pandam
* Offering pideni
* Thorana ritual
* Pattini dance
* Thelma dance
* Acrobatic performances
* Vaahala performance
* Yahan performance
* Alms for gods
* A mba offering
* Devol dance and fire performance
* Gara Yaka dance
* Milk offering
* Paying reverence to gods

 

Source: www.dailynews.lk (29 November 2016)

Don’t affront Goddess Kali – the Benevolent Mother

by Dr. Prasanna Cooray

People have been worshiping Goddess Kali from time immemorial in this part of the world. They make vows to Her requesting various favours from Her. She, the Benevolent Mother, answers their prayers. Thus, Kali worship continues with great respect for this form of deity among Her followers. In Sri Lanka Kali is worshiped by Tamil Hindus and Sinhala Buddhist, shoulder to shoulder, with utmost veneration.

In a spectacle of turnaround of events, Kali worship has become famous among the Sri Lankan politicians in the public sphere as well. The politicians in Sri Lanka for a long time were anyway frequenting Kali, seeking favours from Her. But that was in private. This time around, they have gone public, asking Her to usher wrath on their political opponents.

They, on more than one occasion, went on coconut dashing sprees supposedly to invoke curse of Kali on the government for imposing VAT on goods and services. Indeed, VAT has become a thorn in the flesh for the people in this country, and needs to be fought on all fronts. So, one has to but tip one’s hat for the concern of the opposition towards freeing the public from the clutches of menacing VAT. But for that they should find the right forums without abusing Mother Kali. For, Kali is the Mother of Benevolence, and malevolence is not Her way.

I am no persona to comprehend all the mystery that surround Mother Kali, something no one in one life time will ever be able to do. Nevertheless, that may not prevent anyone from seeking the truth surrounding Kali, and that could be a rewarding exercise for anybody in this lifetime. More you learn about Her, more you will be intrigued, and further you would want to learn of Her.

In mundane sense Kali is perceived a personal deity. Some of Her devotees worship Kali that way. But in an esoteric sense, Kali is much more than that and is the power pervading the universe.

Kali, interests me for particularly two reasons. One, She represents time. Second, She is depicted a woman.

Kali, according to scripture, is considered one of the main forms of Shakti. (In comparison in science too, time is one of the seven basic units, along with mass, length, temperature, electricity, amount of substance and light). And nothing escapes time. In an academic sense Kali is considered the primordial energy which animates space, and is perceived as the linear sequence of events which is called time.

Although Kali sometimes is referred to as the goddess of death, in fact, She is thought to bring the death of the ego. Kali and Her consort Shiva, give the idea of liberation by dissolving the illusion of the ego. According to mythology, She killed many a demon, Rakthabija, the "asura" representing incessant evil mental process, being notable. Commonly Kali is depicted holding Rakthabija’s severed head in one of Her hands, adding devilish flavor to Her image. This has led to She being labeled as a demon by some.

For people who are attached to their ego would not be able to comprehend the idea of Kali; and She will appear in a wrathful form to them. Only through meditation and worship Kali will be perceived. Thus, people who are engaged in spirituality, removing the illusion of ego, will find Kali in a different form. Kali will appear as sweet, affectionate, and overflowing with love for them.

Secondly, Kali in Hinduism is depicted in a female form. (This is in contrast to the Tibetan Buddhism, where Her analogy, entitled Kaal, is depicted a male). The notion of time as a female form for the devotees brings a feeling of reverence for both time and femininity. As much as they comprehend the value of time, they comprehend the value of womanhood, especially the Mother. Likewise the time, femininity too is perceived transcending. The relationship the devotees have with Goddess Kali is one of Mother and Her Child.

A male Kali devotee will show utmost respect to womanhood. He sheds his ego (which is associated with machismo). He perceives potential Kali in all women as much as in his own mother.

The famous Kali devout Swami Vivekananda expresses the notion of Divine Mother succinctly as, "The Saktas (a major tradition of Hinduism, where metaphysical reality is considered feminine and the Devi (goddess) is supreme) worship the Universal Energy as Mother; it is the sweetest name they know. The mother is the highest ideal of womanhood….Mother is the first manifestation of power and is considered a higher idea than father. The name of mother brings the idea of Shakti, Divine energy and omnipotence…The Divine Mother is the Kundalini sleeping in us; without worshipping Her, we can never know ourselves. All merciful, all-powerful, omnipresent – these are attributes of the Divine Mother. She is the sum total of the energy in the Universe. Every manifestation of power in the universe is Mother. She is Life, She is Intelligence, She is Love. She is in the universe, yet separate from it. She is a person, and can be seen and known – as Sri Ramakrishna saw and knew Her. Established in the idea of Mother, we can do anything. She quickly answers prayers". (Inspired Talks, My Master and Other Writings)

The insights of gruesome image of Kali

 

What you see with your naked eye may not be the reality always. That is true for both science and spirituality. And that is so for Kali as well.

Kali is commonly depicted with Her two right arms raised, Her palms extended granting gifts of insight and wisdom to Her children. Her upper left arm holds the sword (of enlightenment) which delivers the blow to the ego releasing the soul from the tyranny of self-intoxication. In Her lower left hand, She holds the severed head of the ego (Rakthabija). Identification with the body is what gives rise to the illusion of the "I" or ego. Thus, the seemingly gruesome presentation of a severed head depicts the act of compassion, which is bestowed by the Mother to Her devotees.

Mother Kali wears a garland of skulls, which are reminiscent of Her many children whom She has liberated from the grip of the "I-am-the-body" (materialistic) delusion and the hypnotic tyranny of birth and death.

Kali is often depicted standing on the bosom of Her consort Shiva. The ardent Kali devotee Swami Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (also the personal guru of Vivekananda) defines it as, "It signifies the yoga, or union, of Purusha (Father God) and Prakriti (Mother God). Whatever you perceive in the universe is the outcome of this union…Kali stands on the bosom of Shiva; Shiva lies under Her feet like a corpse. All this denotes the union of Purusha and Prakriti. Purusha is inactive; therefore Shiva lies on the ground like a corpse. Prakriti performs all Her activities in conjunction with Purusha. Thus She creates, preserves, and destroys. That is also the meaning of the conjoined images of Radha and Krishna". (The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna)

To sum up, Kali worship is a revered tradition of utmost esteem for the Kali devotees. It should not be abused, and this goes without saying for the politicians in this country as well. Still our memories are fresh of how once a flamboyant politician of yesteryear ran amok at a famous Kali temple in a bull in a china shop act. And to this day, he is still kicking his heels in political sin bin. That is not due to the malevolence of Mother Kali, but to the natural laws of nature. 

 

Source: www.island.lk (26 November 2016)

Pattini – The Cult of folk Goddess

By Kalakeerthi Dr. Edwin Ariyadasa

If we take a brief, panoptic view of the age-old Pantheon of Gods and Goddesses, that receives mass adoration in Sri Lanka, we will invariably come upon the widespread cult of Goddess Pattini.

Unlike many other forms of religious cults in Sri Lanka, the worship of Goddess Pattini has a strained dimension. The adoration of this Goddess, takes on an intimate aspect. This is because, this deity, figures, quite extensively, in some household events. Those who yearn for tranquility in times of difficulties and problems, resort to rites and rituals linked to the adoration of Goddess Pattini.

How did this cult of Goddess Pattini find such a highly significant state in the ethos of this land? Theories vary.

The incarnation of the cult of Pattini in a Sinhala version, came about, according to indigenous lore, from the heroic adventures of King Gajabahu I, the intrepid ruler, who was moved to a towering rage, hearing that, at an earlier date 12,000 of Sri Lankan soldiers had been forcibly taken to the Chola Kingdom. In an epic display of peerless bravery, he invaded, the Chola Kingdom and claimed his solders in captivity. As compensation for this outrage, King Gajaba, forcibly brought 12,000 Cholian prisoners to Sri Lanka. And, this is where, the cult of "Pattini Goddess", assumes historical reference. Our traditional chronical and continued folk-lore aver that King Gajaba I (114-136 AD) brought along with him the sacred anklet of Goddess Pattini – perhaps because he became aware in Chola, that female – deity, possessed miraculous powers.

The most famous Pattini Devalaya is located at Nawagamuwa, the place King Gajabahu rested on his way to Anuradhapura. He returned from Chola Kingdom via the Nawagamuwa region. Impressed by the alluring site, he decided to construct a temple (Devalaya) to enshrine the sacred Pattini anklet.

Over the centuries a long succession of kings and provincial rulers kept on renovating the Devalaya. On some occasions, new buildings were added.

The popular beliefs associated with Nawagamuwa Pattini shrine are replete with astonishing stories. It is said that the original wood-work of the shrine was done, using specific form of jak wood. Some jak trees provide a variety of fruit that taste like honey when ripe. According to the folk-lore the first Devalaya builders used timber from those Jak trees. But due to the vagaries of time and foreign invasions the shrine began to deteriorate.

Deeply perturbed and shocked by this decay, a devoted philanthropist, stepped in to facilitate the restoration of the Devalaya using exact type of Jak trees used by original builders, in addition to copper sheet roofing and granite flooring. Total cost of the restoration project is 30 million rupees, which is borne entirely by the "Nandana Lokuwithana Foundation". On the 19th of August 2016, the fully innovated shrine was dedicated to dispensation (Sasana) and the public, at a ceremony where the president and the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe felicitated the devoted donor Nandana Lokuwithana, who, with assiduous care and concern, gave a totally new life to this age-old shrine, that had become the symbol of peace and harmony.

The devotees who trek to this Devalaya will experience an added spiritual joy when they view the new life-size effigy of Goddess Pattini, sculpted by renowned craftsman from India. The devotees will invariably attain an exceptional level of spiritual ecstasy viewing this dominant image.

Source: www.island.lk (29 September 2016)

Traditional dance in British Ceylon

By KAMALIKA PIERIS

The traditional dances of Ceylon did not disappear during British rule. They continued to be performed and were an important part of village life. Kohomba Kankariya was performed in certain districts, in the central highlands, such as Matale and Kandy. In 1919 P.B. Nugawela, Diyawadane Nilame, added the Ves dance of the Kohomba Kankariya to the Maligawa section of the Esala Perahera. This gave the Ves dance a second platform and a greater exposure to the public. Sri Jayana (1921-2008) recalled that in the Udarata, there was dancing after bana preaching as well. Two teams of dancers would perform through the night. The first team danced from 10 p.m. to 2 am, and then the other took over. Dancers also performed ‘adavu’ at upasampada ceremonies at the Maligawa. People flocked to see them and threw them money.

Kohomba Kankariya could not have been the only ritual with dance in the Udarata kingdom. There would have been similar rituals in other parts of the Udarata kingdom. In Wanni even today there is the mutti mangalyaya performed after the harvest, to seek the blessings of Aiyanayaka Deiyo,. The anumatirala after addressing the deity dances to the accompaniment of drums. When they return to village, the anumatirala again begins to dance to the accompaniment of chanting and drumming. (D.B.T. Kappagoda. Daily News 28.11.15 p 5)

The natum parampara, who held lands from temples and devales for their services, participated in the rituals and trained the next generation to carry on the tradition. The different schools of Udarata dance continued to preserve and develop their own styles. There were four different vannam traditions as well, Mahanuwara, Satara, Sabaragamuwa and the ‘Rajarata tradition’ of Anuradhapura. It was not all rosy however. In the 1930s, there were dancing and drumming classes all day at the home of Pani Bharatha. The villagers round about complained. A village schoolteacher sent a petition to the Government Agent saying that this noise was disturbing his work. The GA Dedigama came to inspect. He declared that Kiriganitha was engaged in his traditional work and should be allowed to carry on undisturbed. If the teacher did not like this he could live elsewhere. (Pani Bharatha Charitapadanaya p. 29 ).

Ruhunu natum continued to be popular in the south, during British times. In 1905, Colombo residents had called in ritual performers from Matara to invoke blessings on the city. This was done regularly in Colombo whenever calamities or epidemics hit the city, said Tissa Kariyawasam. In the coastal areas, the fishing community performed Gara dances in order to secure a bountiful harvest. The Colombo temples and devales also held their Esala peraheras and gammadu.

Bali and tovil rituals were not confined to Ruhuna. That would have been most unnatural. There is a yak tovil tradition in Kegalle at Salapitamada and Niwatuwa. There are references to Udarata and Nuwarakalaviya bali. There were bali ceremonies in Sabaragamuwa too. Uva province had bali rituals, and after the ceremony, there was ‘adavu natum’ throughout the night. However, every hop, skip and prance is not dance and in my view, the movements in Kolam and Sokari need not be considered a dance style. They are merely movements regulated by the drum.

The British administration recognized Udarata dance as an art form. In 1907, Colonial Secretary, Hugh Clifford asked Leonard Woolf, AGA Kandy to organize a performance of the ‘finest Kandyan dance’ to show a visitor. Woolf ran to the Diyawadene Nilame who organized it for him. In 1932, Amunugama Suramba performed at Buckingham palace. A state sponsored contest for dancers was held in 1940, won by the Algama dancers led by Kiriganitha.

When the British banned the Udarata martial art of angampora, angam practitioners preserved the skill by hiding it in the British approved Udarata dance. One practitioner of angampora said, in a documentary film, that they could spot the angam movements in Udarata dance, though the dancers themselves were unaware of it. Fireball dancer E.D.Tilakaratne said that angampora has been preserved in his family of fireball dancers for generations.’ I have trained many at the Angampora art institute in Ragama’. (Island. 4.8.14 p 5)

Some members of the Udarata elite continued their interest in traditional dance during the British period. District judge A.H.E. Molamure, (Huppy) lived in Kegalle and was a connoisseur of Kandyan and Sabaragamuwa dance forms. He and his maternal uncle the Ven. Rampukpota Bodhiseeha would spend long hours discussing the finer points of Udarata dance and drumming. They were talented drummers and would accompany each other, singing vannam and kavi. Molamure often invited the famed udekki player, the Korale Mahatmaya of Wereke and his students to perform at gatherings of friends and relations.

Some members of the Maha sangha were also interested in traditional dance. Ven. Rambukwelle Siddhartha knew to dance, sing vannam and play the udekki. He composed a new Gajaga vannama. Ven. Rampukpota Bodhiseeha (1906-1980), head priest of Seneviratne Mudalindaramaya, Badulla and later chief Sanghanayake of the Amarapura nikaya in Uva, had encouraged the teaching of Udarata dance in the villages of Uva and Satara korale. Bodhiseeha had studied under Ven. Rambukwelle Siddhartha.

There was also another Nayake thero who had learnt dancing before his ordination. He trained dancers, in the evening and they danced at temple functions. They became very good dancers. Each was asked to train a batch of dancers in his village and in due course ‘dancing became available’ in that region. We do not know the name of the bhikku or the place but the time period appears to be the 1940s. The information was supplied in the 1960s by the Nayake thero of Sri Maha Bodhi. The Sri Maha Bodhi nayake thero had added however, that dancers in Pahata Dumbara, Harispattuwa and some other areas around Kandy were teaching dance but found it difficult to continue without support and patronage.

The Sinhala nationalists in Colombo tried to encourage Udarata dance. In 1922 John de Silva included Udarata dance in his play ‘Sri Wickreme Rajasinghe’ and Devol dance in’ Vijaya charitaya’. In the 1930s Seebert Dias father of Chitrasena, had got down dancers from the villages to perform in Colombo. In 1943, the firm of William Pedris sponsored a presentation of Kandyan, Sabaragamuwa and Ruhunu dance at Royal College as a benefit for Musaeus College, Colombo. In 1932 Ven. Rambukwelle Siddhartha and G.P.Malalasekera presented a performance of Udarata dance, including vannam and udekki to an enthusiastic audience at University College. Ven. Rambukwelle Siddhartha taught Pali at University College, Colombo at the time. He was a respected scholar monk, who inculcated in his pupils a love for indigenous culture. University College Sinhala Society became interested in Kandyan dancing due to Ven. Siddhartha, said Tissa Kariyawasam.

Some members of the westernized elite of Colombo, Sinhala and Burgher, saw the high quality of the traditional dance and set out to support it.

They wanted to preserve its authentic character and therefore concentrated on entrenching Udarata dance In the Udarata itself. Weeraratne recalled that Harold and Peggy Peiris organized many performances in their spacious house in Kandy,’ bringing the dance to a wider audience and to greater appreciation’.

This group actively supported the dancers who they thought would help further Kandyan dance. Harold Pieris, Lionel Wendt and George Keyt helped set up the Kandyan dance school started in the 1920s by Amunugama Suramba in Sirimalwatte, Gunnepane. Harold Pieris (1904-1988) was a landed proprietor, Lionel Wendt was a noted photographer and pianist and George Keyt was the well known artist. Suramba’s London trip of 1932 was paid for by the painter Harry Pieris of Colombo. Harry Pieris was also a wealthy landed proprietor, interested in the indigenous arts.

Lionel Wendt helped the dancer Sri Jayana at two critical points in Jayana’s career. Wendt provided the money for Jayana to obtain a Ves tattuva for his graduation. Wendt thereafter helped him financially to go to India for training in Indian dancing. Harold Peries also gave money for this. My guess is that when Jayana started his school at Amunugama in 1949, he would have been helped financially by Rev Lakdasa de Mel and Sylvester de Soysa of Kandy, another landed proprietor, though this is not recorded anywhere. Harold Pieris, Lakdasa de Mel, Harry Pieris and Sylvester de Soysa are descendants of the Moratuwa philanthropist, Charles Henry de Soysa, whose statue can be seen at De Soysa Circus, Colombo, near the Eye Hospital.

The Colombo group also arranged dance performances in Colombo, hoping to get the high society of Colombo interested in traditional dance. Harold Pieris had got the Kohomba Kankariya performed all night in his house in Maharagama, Colombo, with the assistance of Jayana and Suramba, in the 1940s. Shelagh Jansen, (b. 1935) later Goonewardene, recalls going there to see this when she was a schoolgirl.

The biggest hit, however, was the dance performance sponsored by the 43 Group. The '43 Group was a Colombo based group of painters who favored European painting of the modern school. The 43 Group was led by Lionel Wendt. Harold Peiris and George Keyt were influential members. The 43 Group sponsored two recitals of dance in 1945, by the dancers of Madhyama Lanka Nritya Mandala, whose principals included Suramba, Ukkuwa, Gunaya, Punchi Gura and Jayana.

The progamme note describing Udarata dance was written by Andreas Nell. The first performance was so successful that they followed it up with a second where the finale was a perahera, choreographed by Arthur van Langenberg, with the performers snaking in and out of the wings and on to the stage. These two recitals were ‘widely acclaimed’. According to Neville Weeraratne, these two performances led to the creation of a school of traditional dance in Colombo. The school was housed in a ‘great ramshackle mansion by the sea’ at Bambalapitiya, known as Caldecott, recalled Weeraratne. It was next to the present day Colombo Swimming Club. Heen Baba Dharmasiri had taught there.

Udarata dance was way ahead of Indian dance. Indian dance was ‘hanging by a thread’ during British rule. Anna Pavlova and Ruth St Denis toured South Asia in the 1920s, separately. Both Pavlova and St. Denis did not like the dances they saw in India. When they arrived in Ceylon, they were taken to Kandy to see special performances of Udarata dance. They were most impressed. Pavlova wished to see them again and St Denis wanted her troupe given a quick training in Udarata dance.

By the 1940s Udarata dance had also acquired a reputation in India. Kathakali dancer Shantha Rao (1925-2007) came to Sri Lanka in the 1940s to learn Udarata dance and Gunaya taught her Naga Vannama and Iradi Vannama. In the mid 1940s dancers from the dismantled Udaya Shankar group were sent to Kandy, by George Keyt, then in Bombay, to learn Udarata dance from Jayana. Both Shanta Rao and the Bombay group were planning to incorporate Udarata dance into the dance ‘mallung’ they were concocting in India.

The Udarata dancers and drummer who went to India in the 1940s to study at Santiniketan excelled in India. Chitrasena was chosen out of more than 2000 pupils to join the 15 member dance group at Santiniketan. Chitrasena’s dance solo in the Kandyan style to a song of Tagore, at the All India Dance Festival In 1946 was a hit. Pani Bharatha was also considered outstanding at Santiniketan. He won medals and prizes. His performances of Udarata dance were applauded. He led the Santiniketan dance troupe to the 1947 Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi. Jayana taught and danced in Bombay. He was one of the stars of the 1947 Indian ballet ‘Discovery of India’.

Source: www.island.lk (28 September 2018)

Drums and drumming in 19th and 20th century Sri Lanka

By KAMALIKA PIERIS

Sri Lanka has one of greatest drum cultures in the world said Ravi Bandu, the respected drum artiste. ‘The most important area of Sinhala music is found in its drum play. Our drum rhythms are unique and we have our own style of drumming’, said musicologist C de S Kulatilleke. The drums address each other and take up each other’s rhythms, said M. H. Goonetilleke. There are hundreds of complex rhythmic patterns. The magul bera performed on all three drums at an inaugural occasion is a beautiful example of the expressiveness of Sinhala drum music.

Drums are used in all rituals, for gods (madu) demons (tovil) and planets (bali). Lawrie’s Gazetteer of 1896 noted that only a handful of the devales he looked at had dancers but they all had drummers. Drums are an integral part of ritual dance too. The vigor of the dancing is matched as well as balanced and controlled by the drumming. Nearly all drum patterns are named after the dance sequence they are used for.

The drum tradition remained firmly entrenched in the island during British rule. The British administration initially recognized drumming and allowed it. The Colonial Secretary ordered that the announcement of the first National Census scheduled for 26.3.1871 be made by drum in the provinces. Pani Bharatha (1920-2005) recalled that when he was growing up, there were open drumming displays and contests in the villages at temples and Walauwas. "These contests helped to develop our skills". In 1928, Radio Ceylon opened its broadcast with a magul bera recording. In 1934, the documentary film Song of Ceylon featured Kandyan drumming. A 1948 German documentary on Ceylon starts with drumming. Up to the 1960s, auction houses advertised their auction sales using drummers beating the daula.

However, the Christian missionaries wanted the British administration to ban drumming at temples, in processions and at ‘demon rituals.’ The British administration banned drumming in processions. There was strong resistance to this ban. The 1915 Sinhala –Muslims riots were due to a refusal to stop drumming when a Buddhist procession went past a Mosque. Bhikkhus were taken to courts as late as 1930s with regard to this ban.

Temple drumming was not affected by this ban. Drums continued to announce the various activities of the temple. There were different drum beats for different things, including one for the priests to hurry up for a pirit ceremony as it was getting late. When two sets of drum teams are playing and the second drum team is not to be seen, the first team plays a tune to summon them, ‘Come’ and the second team replies, ‘Yes we are ready’. In the Dalada Maligawa tevava, there are different drum beats for the different offerings made during the tevava. There is a special drum beat when the casket is placed on the elephant at the Esala perahera.

There were about 35 drums in the olden days, now there are only ten, said Piyasara Silpadhipathy. The patawa bera is no longer available but Pani Bharatha had one in his drum collection. According to P. Dolpahilla the following drums were in use in the 1950s. Two types of daula, geta bera, yak bere, three tammattam, bummadiya, and a small two faced drum much like the ana bere used for government notifications. Dalada Maligawa had a four feet long drum which resembled an udekki. It was used on perahera days to call the elephants to the temples from Getambe, Katugastota and Lewelle where they awaited the signal.

The four main drums, geta beraya, Ruhunu bera, davula and tammattama, have different playing techniques and highly codified teaching methods. Instructions on drumming are given in verse form. One verse said ‘tis ekaka talam, susata paman savudam, visiek suralin, gasu solosak vandamanam,’ quoted M.H.Goonetilleke. The manuscript ‘Davul upata’ gives the 216 rhythms of the davula in verse. The traditional techniques, visible at present in a few fragmentary documents of the 18th century, have disappeared due to lack of usage. Contemporary drummers have instead, developed rich, new styles of their own, said C de S. Kulatillake.

Ravibandu says the drum orchestra, which is so popular today, was created in the 1940s by Pani Bharatha. Each drum was given a beat that suited it for its solo. The performance started with the hewisi beat for aluyam duraya. The next generation of drummers, notably Piyasara and Ravibandu carried the venture further and created magnificent mixed drum presentations, with new drum beats and the two new drums, created by them. These presentations were rich in technique, inventiveness and impact. Drums which were till then limited to rituals, perahera, and pinkam were now presented on stage in cleverly arranged drum ensembles.

There are solo performers on drums as well. Jananath Warakagoda, whose ‘marvelous drum beats’ are much admired, said ‘from the very first lesson I fell in love with the four amazing drums, geta, yak, daula and tammattama. Nowhere in the world can you find anything similar to these four drums.’ His favourite is the tammatama. Susantha and Prasantha Rupathilaka, good looking with chiseled feature, are exceptionally talented in drums as well as dance. They have performed all over the world. They gave a superb performance in Colombo in 2009. Mahanamage Jayantha Melegama of Wadduwa, a drummer, who performs at tourist hotels in the south, has been invited with his troupe to tour England by the director of a Sri Lanka cultural foundation.

Rural and urban schools are now interested to drumming, observed Ravi Bandu. Most leading schools have drum troupes. Bishop’s College, Colombo hewisi band started in the 1960s. Trinity College, Kandy drum and dance troupe, which started in 1972, participated in international festivals in UK and Sweden in 1992 and 1998 respectively and won awards. The Hewisi bands of S. Thomas, Trinity, Bishops and Methodist College, Colombo gave a combined concert in January 2015 in Colombo.

The Maligawa has a permanent Hewisi performance group, consisting of drummers from Molagoda, Malagammana, Ihalawela and Uduwela. Drawings of the senior, now aging drummers of these families were published, as a gesture of appreciation, by the Maligawa, in Daily News 26.7.12 p 23. The Malagammana drummers came from Ihala dolos pattuwa in Kurunegala, Molagoda drummers from Pahala dolos pattuwa in Kurunegala, Ihalawela from Dumbara and Uduwela from Matale. They held nindagam lands. The pannikiya duraya was handed down from father to son or brother to brother and never went out of the designated families. Each day four people drawn from the Pannikki clans played for the tevava, on the daula, tammattama, geta bera and horanava.

Three Sunday newspapers ran interviews with several Maligawa drummers including the late Berakara gedera Molagoda, his brother Silva and P. Malagammana. Molagoda had performed the hewisi puja for more than forty years. He had learnt to drum from father and grandfather. The family was also closely associated with the village temple, Molagoda Raja Maha Vihara. Molagoda and his younger brother Silva had followed the father into the Maligawa. They were part of the temple hewisi team and had participated in the perahera. They also performed at other peraheras such as Hanguranketa, Gadaladeniya, Embekke and Alawatugoda.

The drummers complained that they were finding it difficult financially. Their nindagam had been divided and subdivided over the generations and did not yield sufficient income. The travelling cost more than what they were given by the Maligawa. Malagammana said his two sons were not going to take over from him. They have taken other jobs. Soon there will be no body to take over from them at the Maligawa .

The drummers deeply resented society’s attitude towards them. They were looked down as low caste in their village. ‘We are treated badly. They use us, and then discard us’ they said. ‘We get insulting looks when we carry the bere. When we are summoned for functions nobody would tolerate us in their houses. Even if they had the space they would construct a small hut for us so that we did not have to stay with them.’ Molagoda had once been offered tea in kolapotha, a cup made of leaves. Several dancers and drummers, who were invited to a function at a ‘posh house’ in Kandy, were given a corner to stay in, worn pieces of mats to sleep on and nothing to eat.

Silva also recalled that they were not permitted to study beyond a certain grade in school. The principal told us that members of my family must study in the temple, that we belong to the temple. Silva said he felt very hurt over this. Molagoda said his son also had resented the way they were treated. ‘Since society did not accept or respect us, I turned to carpentry’, he said.

Today however things have changed, Silva said. Caste consciousness may exist at village level, but it is now fashionable to be involved in the arts. Talented persons like the late Molagoda and his son Rohana are beginning to be treated as national treasures. Molagoda was awarded the Kala Vibhushana title. Pathmasiri, one of Silva's four sons, is sorry that he stopped dancing but his son Dushmantha, studying at Rahula Vidyalaya, Katugastota, is a talented and fully qualified dancer. He is the only one of Silva’s grandchildren to take to dancing. ‘I realize that there is now great potential for artistes like us. There are also the earnings from tourist performances. In addition to this, the Diyawadane Nilame has ensured that the drummers receive better payment and allowances.’ Malagammana’s grandson Sagara has also taken to drumming.

There are only a handful of dedicated manufacturers still making drums. Drum making is dying out. Of the hardwoods needed for drums, Ehela and kohomba are now prohibited and only coconut, jak and palmyrah can be used. Monkey and iguana skins are prohibited, the skins of cattle and goat are used. Rohana Wijesinghe of Alawala village, Attanagalla, a long standing drum manufacturer, learned the art from his father who learnt it from his father, Napin Singho, a leading drum manufacturer in the 1940s.

Families in Heiyanthudawe have been making drums for generations. There was a demand for drums during festivals at Munneswaram, Kataragama and Ratnapura and they would work round the clock and take lorry loads to the festivals. Prasanna, a drum manufacturer recalled, ‘while I was schooling I would help my grandfather and father to make bera and raban, it was all self taught.’ He studied up to grade 10 and then decided to go in for drum making after his father passed away. The other siblings left the industry, preferring government jobs. Prasanna runs a small home based drum making venture. Sales peak during avurudu season. He attends polas at Anamaduwa, Galgamuva, Nikaweratiya and also sells to shops in Colombo, Bellanwila, Weweldeniya and Nawagamuwa. He is unable to make a decent profit. (Sunday Times Plus. 272. 11 p 5)

Source: www.island.lk (31/08/2016)